G
ender
e
quality
, W
ork
and
H
ealtH
: a r
evieW
of
tHe
e
vidence
child care (ILO, 2003). Therefore, women are increasingly choosing to
enter traditionally male jobs such as engineering and technical jobs,
at least in North America (Asselin, 2003). Such women are exposed to
discrimination, and this may put their health at risk, for example: their
mental health may be directly affected, and they may feel forced to take
risks in order to prove that they are able to do the job (Messing and
Elabidi, 2003). There is some interest in determining whether women
in newly desegregated jobs are at special risk for accidents and injuries,
but evidence is as yet inconclusive (Messing et al., 1994b; Ore, 1998).
If a special risk does exist, it could have arisen from an interaction
between inappropriately designed
tools, tasks and workspaces, as well
as male-female size, and strength
differences, (Messing and Stevenson,
1996).
While women in non-traditional
jobs are at special risk, those in
traditional jobs are also subject to
discrimination on the basis of sex.
In both situations, women may be
reluctant to argue for full protection
for their health, especially where
the health problems concerned
imply
male/female
differences,
whether
social
or
biological.
For example, it has been shown
that women in food processing in France and Canada subjected
to cold and/or to irregular schedules have specific, sometimes
incapacitating, problems associated with their menstrual periods
(Mergler and Vézina, 1985; Messing et al., 1992, 1993). These problems
can result in absence from work. Such absences could be appropriately
treated through the occupational health and safety system, yet women
have never argued for this. In fact, trade unionists approached about